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Economic integration tendencies in the Middle East

   

by Nasser M. Suleiman
(Ph.D. student in Hungary researching economic integration in Arab countries)

Summary

Introduction

1. The regional characteristics of Mena

2. Why regional interaction has been limited

3. The scope for regional integration

4. Prospects for regional integration

5. Concluding remarks

Footnotes

References


4. Prospects for regional integration

The review of the main factors determining the pace of regional economic interaction in Mena forms the basis for evaluating the prospects for regional integration. It is clear from what has been said already that the prospects for regional economic interaction depend on improving the enabling economic environment and overcoming considerable political hurdles. This is a context in which more focused efforts will bear fruit.

More attention is now being devoted to integration efforts within Mena, in the form of linkages to Europe, or a new Arab Common Market, or region-wide interaction. The analysis that follows reviews the main findings of relevance to these efforts.

(1) The economic preconditions for integration are improving for an increasing number of countries in the region. The key to increasing integration now lies at country level. Some Mena countries have made considerable headway in stabilizing, reforming, and opening up their economies. Egypt has become a model Imf pupil in recent years. It is now every global investor’s favourite Arab country, with its low inflation, a stable currency and a growing stock market. Jordan, whose determined pursuit of prudent macroeconomic policies and structural reform since 1989 has resulted in strong, broad-based growth averaging 6 per cent during the last three years, has seen a substantial reduction in unemployment, despite high growth in the labour force. Tunisia, whose transformation from an inward-looking, heavily regulated economy in 1986 into a predominantly market and export-oriented economy, has become much more resilient to external factors. It has increased its real per capita income by an average of about 2 per cent a year since 1987, which has permitted major improvements in health, education and other social indicators. Mention could also be made of Morocco, where periodic droughts cause wide fluctuations in growth rates, despite very encouraging reforms. Algeria has been steadfastly implementing its comprehensive stabilization and reform programme since 1994, despite severe political and security problems. This has helped to produce the first increase in real per capita income in five years.

Despite such achievements, the Arab countries as a group still operate below their potentials. They are not taking full advantage of the opportunities that the global economy has to offer. Consequently, since the 1989 recovery in the region, real GDP growth has not kept pace with the robust growth in the developing countries as a group. More to the point, slower GDP growth and rapid population growth in the Arab countries has meant that for the region as a whole, average real, per capita income has virtually stagnated. At the same time, the Arab countries as a group have attracted very little of the private investment capital that has surged into developing countries in recent years. Furthermore, export growth has averaged only 1.5 per cent per year over the last five years. This does not come anywhere near the average annual export growth of almost 10 per cent achieved by the developing countries as a group, or the 6 per cent average annual growth in world trade.

The way forward, as most Arab governments now accept, is to pursue structural reforms and try to attract more foreign direct investment (FDI) (Table 3). Mena governments also need to adopt a trade-policy regime that fosters integration into the world economy and overcomes the protectionist tendencies of the past, to prevent further marginalization within the world economy.

Table 3: Some indicators of trade and investment
in the Mena (1996)

  xx

  

Trade as a proportion of GDP (%)

Manufactured exports as a proportion of total exports (%)

FDI as a proportion of GDP (%)

Algeria

15

4

0

Bahrain

182.5

16

-0.5

Egypt

14.8

32

0.9

Israel

47.5

91

1.7

Jordan

36.6

49

0.2

Kuwait

45.8

5

N/A

Lebanon

36.0

N/A

0.6

Morocco

14.0

50

0.8

Oman

45.4

14

0.4

Qatar

60.4

24

N/A

Saudi Arabia

41.2

N/A

-1.5

Syria

19.6

N/A

0.6

Tunisia

30.2

80

1.6

UAE

135.7

N/A

N/A

Yemen

56.3

1

1.7

Source: World Bank Atlas, 1998.

Gatt/Wto provides a cheap and effective mechanism for locking in trade reforms and improving the transparency of policy implementation. Many countries in the region were not Gatt parties, so that at present only ten of the 23 Mena countries are members of the World Trade Organization. However, members or not, all countries in the region are affected by the liberalization of markets. Implementation of the Uruguay Round agreements confronts existing Wto members with a substantial number of policy and institutional changes, but the other Mena countries will also meet with greater competition on third markets. The liberalization of agriculture, textiles and clothing will have potential benefits for countries such as Lebanon, Morocco and Tunisia, provided they continue to implement their ongoing structural reforms.

(2) These efforts may well receive a boost from the process of negotiating Association Agreements between the EU and countries in the southern and eastern Mediterranean.

The EU, at the Barcelona Summit in 1995, launched a Mediterranean strategy of seeking agreements to strengthen political and economic ties with Southern Mediterranean countries (SMCs). These would greatly expand the cooperation between the EU and Mena, which currently is governed by cooperation agreements agreed in the 1970s, in conjunction with periodic financial protocols. The objectives are to intensify political dialogue, achieve reciprocal free trade in manufactured goods by 2010 and preferential, reciprocal access for relevant agricultural products, establish conditions for liberalizing services, facilitate free capital flows, adopt a range of EU regulations in such areas as competition policy and intellectual property rights, and expand technical, economic, social, cultural and financial cooperation.

The short and medium-term costs of the reforms cannot be ignored (Table 4). (i) The tariff reductions will mean substantial losses of fiscal revenue for the SMCs, while the benefits will be limited, since most SMCs already have free access to the EU. (ii) Preferential trade agreements can lead to trade diversion, shifting lower-cost producers outside the EU to high-cost producers inside it. To alleviate the costs emerging in the SMCs, the EU has allocated ECU 4.7 billion in grants over 1996–9, with an equivalent amount in loans from the European Investment Bank. As an additional incentive to reform, individual country allocations are not predetermined any more. They will be determined by the pace of reforms: the fastest reformers will get larger shares.

Table 4: Southern Mediterranean countries’ tariff revenues from trade with the EU (averages for 1994–6)

  

Import duties
(% of total tax revenue)

Import duties
(% of GDP)

EU share in total imports (%)

Import duties from EU trade (% of total tax revenue)

Import duties from EU trade (% of GDP)

Algeria

29.96

3.45

64.12

19.21

2.21

Egypt

19.74

3.37

39.84

7.87

1.34

Israel

1.26

0.40

52.40

0.66

0.21

Jordan

34.63

5.77

35.02

12.13

2.02

Lebanon

59.28

6.83

48.59

28.80

3.32

Libya

67.27

Morocco

17.55

4.30

58.78

10.32

2.53

Syria

21.81

2.43

33.11

7.22

0.80

Tunisia

22.18

4.45

71.49

15.86

3.18

Source: Abed (1998).

The long-term objective of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership is free trade among SMCs, and not only between them and the EU. The creation of Mefta (the Mediterranean Free Trade Area) is necessary if the SMCs are to avoid the drawbacks of a ‘hub-and-spoke’ effect and attract FDI to the region. Ultimately, a huge Euro-Mediterranean Free Trade Area of 600–800 million people and about 40 countries may emerge by 2010, doing about 60 per cent of its trade within the region. Israel, Morocco and Tunisia have already gained association agreements with the EU. Algeria, Egypt, Jordan, and Lebanon are negotiating them.

However, the political aspects, especially those linked to resolving the Arab-Israeli conflict, remain difficult. The Middle East peace process has slowed in recent years and lasting peace is still a long way off. Some countries that have signed up for the EU-Mediterranean partnership agreement, such as Syria and Israel, are still officially at war. The EU has stubbornly refused to involve itself in the political process in the Middle East, although the Arab countries had hoped it would form a counterweight to the US backing for Israel. The Malta Summit in April 1997, aimed at assessing progress since Barcelona and charting a course for the future, showed that the two sides are still not speaking the same language.

(3) Successful integration efforts are more likely to come first among sub-sets of countries in the region, rather than in the region as a whole. As more countries in the Mena region progress in deregulating and liberalizing their economies, cross-links among these groupings will strengthen economic ties within Mena as a whole.

The processes of sub-regional integration can already be seen in the Gulf region and on a more limited scale in the Maghreb. The Gcc, covering Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the UAE, was founded in 1981. It is the most successful integration in the region, both politically and economically, indeed the only one that actually works. Politically, this is because the tiny emirates need to club together to match the two regional powers in the Gulf, Iraq and Iran. Economically, Gcc states have removed all tariff barriers, but since they have no interest in buying one another’s oil, this hardly matters.

The plan for more intensive cooperation in North Africa has historical roots dating back to the medieval unity of the region. The presidents of Algeria, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco and Tunisia signed the treaty of the Arab Maghreb Union in 1989, with extensive and ambitious objectives. It was designed to remove trade barriers and create a regional common market by 2000, achieve economic integration, establish common institutions (a joint consultative parliament, investment bank and airline), and as an ultimate objective, a political union. However, the five countries adopted radically different positions in the Gulf crisis of 1990, ranging from Libya’s opposition to the resolution condemning Iraq, to Morocco, which sent troops against Iraq. The pace of cooperation slowed further due to political problems with Libya (the Lockerbie bombing) and internal problems in Algeria (the struggle against fundamentalism).

Another possibility may be for sub-regional integration in Mena to evolve from an initial subset of core countries, starting perhaps with the Israeli, Jordanian and Palestinian economies, and broaden to include other countries in the heartland of Mena: first Egypt, and then as the peace process unfolds, Syria and Lebanon, and eventually even Iraq. Israel’s neighbours are interested in developing this cooperation, in the form of labour flows or through trade. For Israel, regional trade will remain of low economic importance, but it has an interest in ensuring there is Palestinian and Jordanian social and political stability.


Concluding remarks

Increased regional interaction, particularly in outwardly oriented development strategies, can enhance economic welfare through specialization and rationalization of consumption and production activities. It can also increase the region’s collective political bargaining power in extra-regional forums, and improve security considerations. These considerations go a long way to explaining the renewed worldwide interest in regional arrangements, in the Americas, Asia and Europe.

Countries in the Mena region face important political, social and economic challenges. Meeting these becomes easier if there is economic growth rather than the economic stagnation still suffered in some countries in the region. Indeed sustained, high economic growth is required if Mena is to address its unemployment problems, find jobs for the large numbers about to enter the labour market, and improve its social indicators. The main key to economic progress for each country is to reform of its economy, taking advantage of globalization by integrating into the world economy.

So it is not surprising to find renewed emphasis on greater regional integration involving groups of Arab economies, and through the indirect route of Association Agreements with the EU. The prospects for such integration efforts are boosted by improvements in the enabling economic environment. However, political conditions, particularly the Arab-Israeli dimension, are likely to limit regional integration efforts at this stage. What is likely to materialize is closer integration between subsets of countries in the region, particularly Arab ones, with potentially important, direct and indirect welfare gains for the participants.

The policy changes required for successful economic integration are the same as those needed if the countries of the region are to benefit from the more general process of globalization and integration into the world economy. This point is best illustrated by the dynamic Asian economies, where outward-oriented development strategies have been associated with intensified regional economic interaction.

There are many indications, geographical, cultural or economic, that suggest there is scope for considerable gains from greater economic interactions within the Mena region. However, the Arab-Israeli conflict and intra-Arab conflict, coupled with inappropriate economic policies, have kept intra-regional economic interactions at an abnormally low level in recent decades. Merely to restore these interactions to their natural levels would give an important boost to economic growth within the region.

The developing peace process offers a major opportunity for enhanced economic cooperation within Mena. As Western Europe found after World War II, such cooperation strengthens not only the economic well-being of countries in the region, but also peace. What is required is steadfast commitment by countries to structural reforms, including continued multilateral liberalization, along with the removal of impediments to regional economic interaction and a strengthening of the institutional framework.


Footnotes

  1. Source: Building on Progress: Reform and Growth in the Middle East and North Africa, Washington DC: International Monetary Fund, Middle Eastern Department, 1996.

  2. Traditional trade theory suggests that potential payoffs from opening trade among countries that did not previously trade with each other or with the rest of the world are greater in proportion to the degree to which their economic structures are complementary. However, the creation of a customs union among countries that were able to trade before becomes more likely to be welfare-enhancing for its members the more similar the range of goods they produce, since trade creation is more likely to dominate than trade diversion under those circumstances.

  3. As the names imply, market integration relates to economic relationships among goods and factors within the region and institutional integration to the extent of the legal and institutional relationships.

  4. The proportion of agricultural land ranges from 3% in Egypt and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) to 75% in Tunisia.

  5. This comparison ignores differences among sects within the major religions.

  6. The region contains some of the most open economies (e.g. the Gcc countries) and some of the most closed ones (e.g. Egypt) in terms of the traditional indicators of international trade activity.

  7. In some countries, a single sector accounts for over half of GDP (e.g. oil in the Gcc economies and hydro-carbons in Algeria). Others, such as Israel, Morocco, and Tunisia, are more diversified, with an important manufacturing component, although the proportion of high-technology industries within this varies.

  8. Military spending is unlikely to fall significantly in the early stages of the peace process, when redeployments may even require increased spending, but it should decline as confidence in the durability of the peace increases.


References

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Alonso-Gamo, Patricia, Susan Fennell and Khaled Sakr (1997): Adjusting to New Realities: Mena, The Uruguay Round, and the EU-Mediterranean Initiative, Imf Working Paper 97/5, Washington DC: Imf.

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