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The Middle East in 2020

    

Towards the end of 2004, the Guardian newspaper published a series of articles imagining the world in 2020. In this extract, Brian Whitaker looks at the future of the Middle East. The original article is here.


What's the worst that could happen?

The US will blame Iranian interference for the turmoil in Iraq and will launch military strikes against the Tehran regime. Resistance to the US will stiffen in Iran and among Shia Muslims across the region: Shia rebellions could break out in Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states. Anarchy in Iraq will give Kurds the excuse they need to declare independence and foment a Kurdish uprising in Syria.

The "war on terror" will destroy al-Qaida as an organisation but it will not dampen Islamist militancy. Its greatest effect will be to spawn hundreds of small autonomous groups that prove impossible to monitor.

The Yemeni elections of 2009 will prove to be the last in the Arab world as governments backtrack on democracy, blaming the deteriorating security situation. The EU will deal with that same problem by approving a Middle East stability pact that lifts all restrictions on weapon sales to regimes that are deemed to be combating terrorism.

The threat of Islamist terror will continue to spread beyond the Arab world. London will face its gravest threat when an Islamist group threatens to explode a dirty nuclear device unless Britain stops supporting "Arab lackeys of Zionism and Crusaderism". There will be no progress towards peace with Israel, so the Palestinians will abandon their claim for a separate state and demand equal rights with Israeli citizens.

By 2015, the UN will have accepted a plan to divide the whole of historic Palestine into a series of Jewish and Arab cantons, but it will not end the conflict. By 2020, Nato forces sent to implement the plan will still be struggling to impose peace in the face of stiff resistance from extremists on both sides.

What's the best that could happen?

The Arab-Israeli conflict will end by 2008 with the creation of a viable Palestinian state, and a peace treaty between Israel and Syria. All the Arab states, plus Iran, will then recognise Israel and exchange ambassadors. Talks can begin on ridding the Middle East of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons, and by 2012 UN inspectors will be able to declare the region a WMD-free zone.

Peace with Israel would remove one of the main driving forces behind Islamic militancy in the region, which would in turn lead to a decline in terrorism. Political reform throughout the region would also follow peace, since Arab leaders would no longer be able to blame Israel for their countries' problems.

Iraq will avert civil war and stay in one piece - but only just. Amid the chaos left by its elected civilian government, the return to military rule later this decade will be greeted with widespread relief. By 2020, the Iraqi regime will still be promising elections "next year or as soon as the situation permits".

Elsewhere, the strategy of gradual but steady reform is largely successful. By 2020, Saudi Arabia and the Gulf states will have become constitutional monarchies, while Yemen, Egypt and Syria will have all held elections that - for the first time - result in changes of government. In Africa, Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia will be readying themselves to join the EU, probably by 2030. Libya, which could be the Mediterranean's fastest-growing tourist destination by 2020, will remain politically eccentric: all government decisions will be made by citizens voting on the net.

What's likely to happen?

How will Iraq be faring in 2020? It will be a toss-up between rule by Saddam Lite (authoritarianism with American blessing) and the fragmentation of the state. The underlying conflicts over religion and ethnicity will take years to play out - probably through violence, unless a strong national leader emerges. Continued instability in Iraq will harm all its neighbours.

But that does not mean the region will have been dragged into continual conflict. By 2020 there will be a new generation of Arabs who have known satellite TV and the internet all their lives; the significance of that should not be underestimated. So far, globalised media has achieved three things in the Middle East: it has engaged ordinary Arabs in international politics in a way that was impossible before; it has given them a view of western lifestyles that some covet and others reject; and it has given them a sense of common Muslim/Arab identity that cuts across borders and the nationalism of individual states.

The belief that Arabs and Muslims are victims of American and Israeli designs is almost universal in the Middle East, as is the feeling that the current leaders are powerless to do anything about it. One response - the dominant one at present - is Islamist militancy, but there are others, especially among the urban young, who want to be like the rest of the world. Among religious believers, too, there are many who privately question the confrontational, backward-looking interpretations of Islamists.

There is a chance that, by 2020, the fundamentalist trend will have peaked and that new, more progressive interpretations of Islam will have begun to emerge. The idea that Arab/Muslim societies can survive as islands of cultural authenticity or religious purity in a globalised world is nothing but pure fantasy. Today, Saudi censors go through every imported newspaper, obliterating "undesirable" material while millions of Saudi citizens are able to watch whatever takes their fancy on satellite television.

Moves towards a form of Islam that is more compatible with modern life will also be reflected in social and political changes. The need here is not for cosmetic democracy but for ideas of tolerance and openness to take hold, for accountability and transparency in public life, and for political parties based on policies rather than tribal, ethnic or religious allegiances.

It's a tall order, but it will have to happen sometime. The two factors most likely to hold it back are American policies towards the region and continued conflict with Israel. It is difficult to imagine that Israeli voters, at some point before 2020, will not weary of the strategy pursued by their present government and decide that there has to be a better way.

Whether American voters will reach the same conclusion is more doubtful. The old, confrontational cold war themes play well with American voters when reapplied to the Arab and Muslim world, but don't really serve American interests. The best thing the US can do for the Middle East over the next 16 years is stop prescribing solutions and ask: "Is there anything we can do to help?" It should also not be too offended when the reply is "Yes. Please go away."

Brian Whitaker is the Guardian's Middle East editor

     

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Last revised on 05 August, 2015