by
Nasser M. Suleiman
(Ph.D. student in Hungary researching economic integration in Arab countries)
Summary
Introduction
1. The regional characteristics of
Mena
2. Why regional
interaction has been limited
3. The scope for regional
integration
4. Prospects for
regional integration
5. Concluding remarks
Footnotes
References
4. Prospects for
regional integration
The review of the main factors determining the pace of regional economic interaction in Mena forms
the basis for evaluating the prospects for regional integration. It is clear from what has
been said already that the prospects for regional economic interaction depend on improving
the enabling economic environment and overcoming considerable political hurdles. This is a
context in which more focused efforts will bear fruit.
More attention is now being devoted to integration efforts
within Mena, in the form of linkages to Europe, or a new Arab Common Market, or
region-wide interaction. The analysis that follows reviews the main findings of relevance
to these efforts.
(1) The economic preconditions for integration are
improving for an increasing number of countries in the region. The key to increasing
integration now lies at country level. Some Mena countries have made considerable headway
in stabilizing, reforming, and opening up their economies. Egypt has become
a model Imf pupil in recent years. It is now every global investors favourite Arab
country, with its low inflation, a stable currency and a growing stock market. Jordan,
whose determined pursuit of prudent macroeconomic policies and structural reform since
1989 has resulted in strong, broad-based growth averaging 6 per cent during the last three
years, has seen a substantial reduction in unemployment, despite high growth in the labour
force. Tunisia, whose transformation from an inward-looking, heavily regulated
economy in 1986 into a predominantly market and export-oriented economy, has become much
more resilient to external factors. It has increased its real per capita income by an
average of about 2 per cent a year since 1987, which has permitted major improvements in
health, education and other social indicators. Mention could also be made of Morocco,
where periodic droughts cause wide fluctuations in growth rates, despite very encouraging
reforms. Algeria has been steadfastly implementing its comprehensive stabilization
and reform programme since 1994, despite severe political and security problems. This has
helped to produce the first increase in real per capita income in five years.
Despite such achievements, the Arab countries as a group
still operate below their potentials. They are not taking full advantage of the
opportunities that the global economy has to offer. Consequently, since the 1989 recovery
in the region, real GDP growth has not kept pace with the robust growth in the developing
countries as a group. More to the point, slower GDP growth and rapid population growth in
the Arab countries has meant that for the region as a whole, average real, per capita
income has virtually stagnated. At the same time, the Arab countries as a group have
attracted very little of the private investment capital that has surged into
developing countries in recent years. Furthermore, export growth has averaged only 1.5 per
cent per year over the last five years. This does not come anywhere near the average
annual export growth of almost 10 per cent achieved by the developing countries as a
group, or the 6 per cent average annual growth in world trade.
The way forward, as most Arab governments now accept, is
to pursue structural reforms and try to attract more foreign direct investment (FDI) (Table
3). Mena governments also need to adopt a trade-policy regime that fosters integration
into the world economy and overcomes the protectionist tendencies of the past, to prevent
further marginalization within the world economy.
Table 3: Some indicators of trade and investment
in the Mena (1996)
|
xx
|
Trade
as a proportion of GDP (%)
|
Manufactured
exports as a proportion of total exports (%)
|
FDI as
a proportion of GDP (%)
|
Algeria
|
15
|
4
|
0
|
Bahrain
|
182.5
|
16
|
-0.5
|
Egypt
|
14.8
|
32
|
0.9
|
Israel
|
47.5
|
91
|
1.7
|
Jordan
|
36.6
|
49
|
0.2
|
Kuwait
|
45.8
|
5
|
N/A
|
Lebanon
|
36.0
|
N/A
|
0.6
|
Morocco
|
14.0
|
50
|
0.8
|
Oman
|
45.4
|
14
|
0.4
|
Qatar
|
60.4
|
24
|
N/A
|
Saudi Arabia
|
41.2
|
N/A
|
-1.5
|
Syria
|
19.6
|
N/A
|
0.6
|
Tunisia
|
30.2
|
80
|
1.6
|
UAE
|
135.7
|
N/A
|
N/A
|
Yemen
|
56.3
|
1
|
1.7
|
Source: World Bank Atlas, 1998.
Gatt/Wto provides a cheap and effective mechanism for
locking in trade reforms and improving the transparency of policy implementation. Many
countries in the region were not Gatt parties, so that at present only ten of the 23 Mena
countries are members of the World Trade Organization. However, members or not, all
countries in the region are affected by the liberalization of markets. Implementation of
the Uruguay Round agreements confronts existing Wto members with a substantial number of
policy and institutional changes, but the other Mena countries will also meet with greater
competition on third markets. The liberalization of agriculture, textiles and clothing
will have potential benefits for countries such as Lebanon, Morocco and Tunisia, provided
they continue to implement their ongoing structural reforms.
(2) These efforts may well receive a boost from the
process of negotiating Association Agreements between the EU and countries in the
southern and eastern Mediterranean.
The EU, at the Barcelona Summit in 1995, launched a
Mediterranean strategy of seeking agreements to strengthen political and economic ties
with Southern Mediterranean countries (SMCs). These would greatly expand the cooperation
between the EU and Mena, which currently is governed by cooperation agreements agreed in
the 1970s, in conjunction with periodic financial protocols. The objectives are to
intensify political dialogue, achieve reciprocal free trade in manufactured goods by 2010
and preferential, reciprocal access for relevant agricultural products, establish
conditions for liberalizing services, facilitate free capital flows, adopt a range of EU
regulations in such areas as competition policy and intellectual property rights, and
expand technical, economic, social, cultural and financial cooperation.
The short and medium-term costs of the reforms cannot be
ignored (Table 4). (i) The tariff reductions will mean substantial losses of fiscal
revenue for the SMCs, while the benefits will be limited, since most SMCs already have
free access to the EU. (ii) Preferential trade agreements can lead to trade diversion,
shifting lower-cost producers outside the EU to high-cost producers inside it. To
alleviate the costs emerging in the SMCs, the EU has allocated ECU 4.7 billion in grants
over 19969, with an equivalent amount in loans from the European Investment Bank. As
an additional incentive to reform, individual country allocations are not predetermined
any more. They will be determined by the pace of reforms: the fastest reformers will get
larger shares.
Table 4: Southern Mediterranean countries tariff revenues from
trade with the EU (averages for 19946)
|
|
Import duties
(% of total tax revenue)
|
Import duties
(% of GDP)
|
EU share in
total imports (%)
|
Import duties
from EU trade (% of total tax revenue)
|
Import duties
from EU trade (% of GDP)
|
Algeria
|
29.96
|
3.45
|
64.12
|
19.21
|
2.21
|
Egypt
|
19.74
|
3.37
|
39.84
|
7.87
|
1.34
|
Israel
|
1.26
|
0.40
|
52.40
|
0.66
|
0.21
|
Jordan
|
34.63
|
5.77
|
35.02
|
12.13
|
2.02
|
Lebanon
|
59.28
|
6.83
|
48.59
|
28.80
|
3.32
|
Libya
|
|
|
67.27
|
|
|
Morocco
|
17.55
|
4.30
|
58.78
|
10.32
|
2.53
|
Syria
|
21.81
|
2.43
|
33.11
|
7.22
|
0.80
|
Tunisia
|
22.18
|
4.45
|
71.49
|
15.86
|
3.18
|
Source: Abed (1998).
The long-term objective of the Euro-Mediterranean
Partnership is free trade among SMCs, and not only between them and the EU. The creation
of Mefta (the Mediterranean Free Trade Area) is necessary if the SMCs are to avoid the
drawbacks of a hub-and-spoke effect and attract FDI to the region. Ultimately,
a huge Euro-Mediterranean Free Trade Area of 600800 million people and about 40
countries may emerge by 2010, doing about 60 per cent of its trade within the region.
Israel, Morocco and Tunisia have already gained association agreements with the EU.
Algeria, Egypt, Jordan, and Lebanon are negotiating them.
However, the political aspects, especially those linked to
resolving the Arab-Israeli conflict, remain difficult. The Middle East peace process has
slowed in recent years and lasting peace is still a long way off. Some countries that have
signed up for the EU-Mediterranean partnership agreement, such as Syria and Israel, are
still officially at war. The EU has stubbornly refused to involve itself in the political
process in the Middle East, although the Arab countries had hoped it would form a
counterweight to the US backing for Israel. The Malta Summit in April 1997, aimed at
assessing progress since Barcelona and charting a course for the future, showed that the
two sides are still not speaking the same language.
(3) Successful integration efforts are more likely to come
first among sub-sets of countries in the region, rather than in the region as a
whole. As more countries in the Mena region progress in deregulating and liberalizing
their economies, cross-links among these groupings will strengthen economic ties within
Mena as a whole.
The processes of sub-regional integration can already be
seen in the Gulf region and on a more limited scale in the Maghreb. The Gcc, covering
Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the UAE, was founded in 1981. It is the
most successful integration in the region, both politically and economically, indeed the
only one that actually works. Politically, this is because the tiny emirates need to club
together to match the two regional powers in the Gulf, Iraq and Iran. Economically, Gcc
states have removed all tariff barriers, but since they have no interest in buying one
anothers oil, this hardly matters.
The plan for more intensive cooperation in North Africa
has historical roots dating back to the medieval unity of the region. The presidents of
Algeria, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco and Tunisia signed the treaty of the Arab Maghreb
Union in 1989, with extensive and ambitious objectives. It was designed to remove trade
barriers and create a regional common market by 2000, achieve economic integration,
establish common institutions (a joint consultative parliament, investment bank and
airline), and as an ultimate objective, a political union. However, the five countries
adopted radically different positions in the Gulf crisis of 1990, ranging from
Libyas opposition to the resolution condemning Iraq, to Morocco, which sent troops
against Iraq. The pace of cooperation slowed further due to political problems with Libya
(the Lockerbie bombing) and internal problems in Algeria (the struggle against
fundamentalism).
Another possibility may be for sub-regional integration in
Mena to evolve from an initial subset of core countries, starting perhaps with the
Israeli, Jordanian and Palestinian economies, and broaden to include other countries in
the heartland of Mena: first Egypt, and then as the peace process unfolds, Syria and
Lebanon, and eventually even Iraq. Israels neighbours are interested in developing
this cooperation, in the form of labour flows or through trade. For Israel, regional trade
will remain of low economic importance, but it has an interest in ensuring there is
Palestinian and Jordanian social and political stability.
Concluding
remarks
Increased regional interaction, particularly in outwardly oriented development strategies, can
enhance economic welfare through specialization and rationalization of consumption and
production activities. It can also increase the regions collective political
bargaining power in extra-regional forums, and improve security considerations. These
considerations go a long way to explaining the renewed worldwide interest in regional
arrangements, in the Americas, Asia and Europe.
Countries in the Mena region face important political,
social and economic challenges. Meeting these becomes easier if there is economic growth
rather than the economic stagnation still suffered in some countries in the region. Indeed
sustained, high economic growth is required if Mena is to address its unemployment
problems, find jobs for the large numbers about to enter the labour market, and improve
its social indicators. The main key to economic progress for each country is to reform of
its economy, taking advantage of globalization by integrating into the world economy.
So it is not surprising to find renewed emphasis on
greater regional integration involving groups of Arab economies, and through the indirect
route of Association Agreements with the EU. The prospects for such integration efforts
are boosted by improvements in the enabling economic environment. However, political
conditions, particularly the Arab-Israeli dimension, are likely to limit regional
integration efforts at this stage. What is likely to materialize is closer integration
between subsets of countries in the region, particularly Arab ones, with potentially
important, direct and indirect welfare gains for the participants.
The policy changes required for successful economic
integration are the same as those needed if the countries of the region are to benefit
from the more general process of globalization and integration into the world economy.
This point is best illustrated by the dynamic Asian economies, where outward-oriented
development strategies have been associated with intensified regional economic
interaction.
There are many indications, geographical, cultural or
economic, that suggest there is scope for considerable gains from greater economic
interactions within the Mena region. However, the Arab-Israeli conflict and intra-Arab
conflict, coupled with inappropriate economic policies, have kept intra-regional economic
interactions at an abnormally low level in recent decades. Merely to restore these
interactions to their natural levels would give an important boost to economic growth
within the region.
The developing peace process offers a major opportunity
for enhanced economic cooperation within Mena. As Western Europe found after World War II,
such cooperation strengthens not only the economic well-being of countries in the region,
but also peace. What is required is steadfast commitment by countries to structural
reforms, including continued multilateral liberalization, along with the
removal of impediments to regional economic interaction and a strengthening of the
institutional framework.
Footnotes
-
Source: Building on Progress: Reform and Growth in the
Middle East and North Africa, Washington DC: International Monetary Fund, Middle
Eastern Department, 1996.
-
Traditional trade theory suggests that potential payoffs
from opening trade among countries that did not previously trade with each other or with
the rest of the world are greater in proportion to the degree to which their economic
structures are complementary. However, the creation of a customs union among countries
that were able to trade before becomes more likely to be welfare-enhancing for its members
the more similar the range of goods they produce, since trade creation is more likely to
dominate than trade diversion under those circumstances.
-
As the names imply, market integration relates to economic
relationships among goods and factors within the region and institutional integration to
the extent of the legal and institutional relationships.
-
The proportion of agricultural land ranges from 3% in Egypt
and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) to 75% in Tunisia.
-
This comparison ignores differences among sects within the
major religions.
-
The region contains some of the most open economies (e.g.
the Gcc countries) and some of the most closed ones (e.g. Egypt) in terms of the
traditional indicators of international trade activity.
-
In some countries, a single sector accounts for over half
of GDP (e.g. oil in the Gcc economies and hydro-carbons in Algeria). Others, such
as Israel, Morocco, and Tunisia, are more diversified, with an important manufacturing
component, although the proportion of high-technology industries within this varies.
-
Military spending is unlikely to fall significantly in the
early stages of the peace process, when redeployments may even require increased spending,
but it should decline as confidence in the durability of the peace increases.
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Integration and Sub-regional Cooperation. ...
85. Miklós SZANYI: Experiences with Foreign Direct
Investment in Eastern Europe: Advantages and Disadvantages
86. Judit KISS: The Hungarian Sugar Industry A
Sector Study
87. András INOTAI: (1) What Is Novel about Eastern
Enlargement of the European Union?;
(2) The Costs and Benefits of Eastern Enlargement of the
European Union
88. Andrea ÉLTETO and Magdolna SASS: Motivations and
Behaviour by Hungarys Foreign Investors in Relation to Exports
89. András HERNÁDI: Society and the Economy in Japan on
the Eve of the Third Millennium: Change versus Tradition
90. Péter FARKAS: Two Centuries of International Capital
Flows and the Present Financial Ballon
91. Annamária ARTNER, Zoltán BASSA, András HERNÁDI and
Klára MÉSZÁROS: The Far Eastern Region: Moving Beyond an Atmosphere of Crisis
92. Andrea SZALAVETZ: Company Adjustment and Restructuring
in Hungary
93. Miklós SOMAI: Agricultural Aspects of Hungary's
Accession to the European Union
94. Andrea ÉLTETO: The Economic Performance of Firms with
Foreign Investment in Hungary
95. Éva EHRLICH: Infrastructures and Services in Hungary
in the Light of European Integration
96. Andrea ÉLTETO: The Impact of FDI on the Foreign Trade
of Four Smaller CEE Countries
97. Péter FARKAS: The Collapse of Russian Industry
98. Tamás SZEMLÉR: The Economic Benerfits for Hungary of
EU Accession
99. Éva EHRLIC: The Communications Infrastructure of the
Central and Eastern European Countries
100. Nasser M. Suleiman and Tamás Szigetvári: Economic
Integration Tendencies in the Middle East and North Africa
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