Up to the
brink
by Brian Whitaker
Originally published in Middle East
International, 22 October
1993
THE ELECTION of Yemen's new presidential council last week [October
11] was hailed by one western diplomat as "a model of democracy at work". More
accurately, and less euphemistically, the country had a narrow escape from political
turmoil.
Under the constitution, parliament chooses a new
presidential council, which in turn chooses a new chairman - in effect electing the
country's president. But since the general election last April Yemen has had a hung
parliament, which meant that none of the three parties in the coalition government could
get its nominees for the council elected without support from another party.
The five-member council's term of office was due to expire
on October 14 and as the deadline approached, it seemed that the General People's Congress
(GPC) headed by President Ali Abdullah Salih, could not count on Socialist support. The
Socialist vice-president, Ali Salim al-Baid had (not for the first time) retreated to his
southern power base in Aden after a quarrel with the president. Though this latest dispute
involved numerous issues, it began last August when al-Baid visited his American
opposite-number, Al Gore, without consulting Salih.
That appeared to leave the future of the presidential
council in the hands of Islah, the "reform" party which seeks stricter
implementation of Islamic law. Islah realised that if they refused to co-operate as well,
no new presidential council would be elected to replace the old one, thus creating a power
vacuum.
In that event, according to the constitution, power would
automatically pass to the Chairmanship Board of parliament and the Speaker, Sheikh Hussein
Abdullah al-Ahmar - leader of Islah - would become Acting President. Although his party
includes religious activists among its members, the sheikh is essentially a traditionalist
from the northern mountains, a man with 20 children, a private militia, and - most
importantly - close links with Saudi Arabia.
Islah is often perceived as a vehicle for Saudi
mischief-making in Yemen and rumours spread that al-Ahmar would sign a treaty ending the
two countries' border dispute during his temporary presidency. True or not, this helped to
swing the Socialists back behind Salih and the GPC. The former Marxist party, which once
ruled South Yemen, includes strong secular and modernising elements to whom Islah is
anathema.
At the same time a mixture of internal and international
pressures persuaded Islah to pull back from the brink. Both Jordan and Oman signalled to
the Saudis their displeasure at the turn of events: Sultan Qabus broke ranks with the Gulf
Co-operation Council's policy of cold-shouldering Yemen to pay President Salih a personal
visit. Meanwhile a private meeting in Aden with al-Baid appears to have convinced Sheikh
al-Ahmar that if he did block the election his temporary presidency would be marked by
widespread disruption and strikes.
Thus a midnight gathering only hours before parliament's
vote brought agreement of sorts: the GPC would give up one of its three seats on the
council to Islah and the Socialists would retain their two. But that left the question of
al-Baid still unresolved. In his absence, he was re-elected to the council and unanimously
re-elected vice-president, though not sworn in. Even if he returns to the capital shortly,
his increasingly strident remarks from Aden - including talk of "divorce" -
suggest it may now be too late for a genuine reconciliation with President Salih.
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