By Dr Abd al-Karim al-Iryani
Opening speech at the conference
on "Yemen: The Challenge of Social, Economic and Democratic Development",
organised by the Center for Arab Gulf Studies at the University of Exeter, Exeter, 1-4
April, 1998. Dr Iryani was foreign minister of Yemen at the time and
shortly afterwards became prime minister.
THE ROLE of the state is a
dynamic process. It is directly linked to social traditions, economic changes and
technological innovations. To take the history of Europe as an example, the Renaissance
and the Industrial Revolution brought about radical changes in the role of the state.
Before that, the role of the state was essentially simple, whether it was a city state or
an empire.
By the end of World War I, the role of
the state began to take on what might be called an international character. During the
last quarter of the nineteenth century, the Ottoman Empire, and Imperial China and Japan
were trying to adjust to the new role of the state which originated in 19th century
Europe.
After World War I, the Russian revolution created a new
role for the state under the ideological thesis of scientific socialism, democratic
centralism and centrally planned economies. This was in sharp contrast to democratic
liberalism, freedom of the press, free and fair elections and a free market economic
system. The great struggle between these two roles began in earnest after World War II and
lasted from 1950 to 1991 when the great failure predicted by Zbigniew Brzezniski (in his
book The Grand Failure: The Birth and Death of Communism in the 20th Century) occurred
earlier than he had predicted. The USSR began to disintegrate in 1992.
It is worth noting that most of the states in the
so-called Third World which emerged during the 1950s and 1970s, had adopted the Russian
style in various degrees, particularly the one-party system and centrally planned economy.
In today's world, the role of the state is steadily
becoming almost universal. The socio-economic goals are dominated by liberalization,
privatization, globalization and freely floating national currencies. The political role
of the state is now dominated by democratization, free and fair elections, good governance
and the protection of human rights.
So the universal role of the state at the advent of the
21st century can be summarized as follows:
1. Fostering the rule of law and individual as well as
collective security of its citizens.
2. Maintaining an independent judiciary.
3. Adopting a stable economic policy, freeing the economy
from distortions and combating corruption.
4. Enhancing democracy or democratization and popular
participation in free and fair elections.
5. Judicious use of national wealth with special attention
to disadvantaged groups in society.
6. Directing state resources to investment in social
services (health, education and welfare) and infrastructure projects.
7. Protection of the environment.
8. Protection of human rights.
Of course, we all know that these functions will not be
applied in a vacuum nor are they applied with the same yardstick in all our societies. The
nature of the society, its heritage, demographic constitution, level of economic
development and prevalence of state institutions all greatly affect the role of the state,
assuming that such a state wishes to adhere to the above principles.
Now let us look at the most important aspects of Yemeni
society which make up the milieu in which economic, social and political developments take
place.
First, we can all agree that Yemen has a traditional
society. We may not agree on the aspects of traditionalism and their relative impact on
economic and political developments.
In my view, the most important aspects of Yemeni society
are:
1. Legacies
2. Statehood
3. Settlement
4. Religious values
5. Tribalism
6. Demographic homogeneity
7. Minimal social stratification and general social
mobility.
These aspects all effect development. Let me dwell on each
characteristic, as follows:
1. Legacies:
The legacy of Yemen's ancient civilization has its
influence in Yemeni society even today. The earliest records of Yemeni civilization date
back to the second millennium B.C. Meanwhile, extensive records of prehistoric human
activities are being discovered at several historic sites. These records may prove that
ancient Yemeni civilization represents a continuum of human existence of the same ethnic
origin until today. It is now well established that Yemeni civilization flourished in
parallel with those of the Nile Valley and Mesopotamia. However, the advent of Islam in
Yemen did not lead to lingual and cultural substitution as it did in the Nile Valley and
Mesopotamia. Therefore traditional continuity is a hallmark of Yemeni society.
2. Nationhood:
This aspect of Yemeni tradition is very important in
maintaining Yemeni territorial integrity during the weakness of central authority. The
traditional feeling of nationhood or statehood has protected Yemen from disintegration
during periods of internal conflict. One hundred and thirty years of British colonialism
did not lead to diversion among Yemeni social and tribal links or to the evolution of two
distinct states. The institution of statehood is deeply rooted in Yemeni history.
Pre-Islamic states of Saba, Qataban, Hadhramaut and Himyar created a deep-rooted tradition
of statehood. Yemen was the first country to regain its statehood during the early Abbasyd
period of Islamic caliphs who ruled the entire Islamic world, except Andalusia.
3. Sedentary Population:
The settled nature of Yemeni society plays an important
role in all aspects of Yemeni development. Unlike the situation which existed in Northern
Arabia or even in the neighboring African states, Yemenis are neither nomadic nor
pastoral. Ninety percent of the population live in permanent dwellings and the majority
are still subsistence farmers.
4. Religious Values:
Like most developing Muslim societies, religious values
are extremely important in the state's efforts toward modernization. The impact of
religious values is most stark regarding the role of women. The woman's share in
education, employment and public life is one of the lowest in the world.
5. Tribalism:
Tribalism in Yemen is as old as Yemeni civilization. It
is, in fact, an institution with its rules and regulations. Tribes are divided on a
genealogical basis. Yemen's modern history has been dominated by the activity of northern
tribes, whether during resistance to the Ottoman rule or the war between the Republicans
and the Royalists. However, it is my view that tribalism is a rural institution. It is
being weakened by education, modernization and urbanization.
6. Demographic Homogeneity:
Yemeni society, ancient as it is, is demographically
homogeneous. There are no ethnic divisions. In fact, the people in Yemen are claimed to be
descendants of Qahtan, while people of north Arabia are claimed to be descendants of
Adnan. Uncertain as these divisions may be, demographic homogeneity remains a notable fact
of Yemeni society.
7. Minimal Stratification and High Social Mobility:
Many ancient societies are characterized by a high degree
of stratification (India is the strongest example). It is my view that despite its long
history of human settlement that dates back to at least the Bronze Age, the Yemeni society
did not evolve the institution of social stratification. One can say that tribalism is the
antithesis of social stratification.
Similarly, Yemeni society is characterized by unimpeded
social mobility compared with ancient Asian societies. Perhaps, the dominant role of trade
and migration in Yemen's history is the reason for this phenomenon.
I shall summarize very briefly my own assessment of the
impact of the traditional aspects of Yemeni society on economic and political development.
Traditional as it is, Yemeni society is characterized by openness, i.e., it is an
extroverted society, if that is the right phrase. I think the mercantile heritage and
migration have fostered this character. Therefore, modern development and modern means of
production are readily accepted and quickly learned and adopted. I hope that those of you
who have dealt with rural development in Yemen would agree.
Nevertheless, one can't easily dismiss the constraints
that these traditional aspects put on economic development. It is clear that religious
values and tribalism have affected the role of women. Women are the most deprived group in
our society. However, my general conclusion is that traditionalism has not really been a
serious barrier to economic development.
Now, let me go to the second topic of this important
symposium, namely democracy. Yemen is a country committed to democracy and is undergoing a
democratization process, i.e. it is a nascent democracy. This commitment to democracy was
a very important catalyst in realizing Yemen's unity. It was also a unifying factor in
fighting the secessionist effort of 1994.
Despite Yemen's commitment to democracy, Yemen, like all
emerging democratic states, is faced with real challenges that must be overcome in order
to become a fully fledged constitutional democracy. These challenges are :
1. A low standard of living. The per capita income of less
than US $400.
2. A weak economic system. This is now undergoing a
radical restructuring.
3. Weak constitutionality. Education is going to be an
important factor in this regard.
4. The conflict between traditional and modern legal
systems. A modern legal system is a prerequisite for the evolution of a civil society.
5. Weak parliamentary traditions. Parliament has not yet
established its own traditions of being a regulatory and inspecting institution. This role
is still very weak.
6. Lack of continued voter interest. This is especially
visible following an enthusiastic participation in voting.
7. Lack of participatory tradition in public life. One can
see this from the weak interest in protection of shared (public) property.
8. Sparse existence of state institutions relative to the
size of the population. Yemen has one of the lowest numbers of law enforcement officers
and supporting judiciary in the world. In a dictatorial regime, these institutions are a
means of oppression. However, in an emerging democracy, they are needed for fostering
human rights and creating a civil society.
With regard to constraints that may be imposed by various
aspects of Yemeni traditions on democratization, I may surprise you by claiming that at
this stage of democratic development, these traditional aspects have not constrained
either men's or women's participation during elections. However, there are only two women
in the 301 members of parliament. But, such a result is not unique to traditional
societies. We all know the limited role of women in European democracies up until the
fourth quarter of this century.
My final comment about the above listed challenges to
Yemen's democratization is that we all know that this is an evolutionary process. The most
important factor is continuity of commitment to democratization. An emerging democracy may
be plagued with many shortcomings, it may not be fully free and fair and it may even be
corrupt. However, democracy is endowed with a self-repair system.
We must admit that several democratization processes were
abolished in the Arab World under the pretext of corrupt practices. Some have come back
and some are still absent.
To cite an example, I asked a Jordanian friend in 1989 how
the parliamentary elections were going after more than 20 years of absence. He expressed
surprise that the candidates didn't seem to change any of their improper campaign
practices. They are doing the same as they did before. My comment is that this proves that
only continuity will correct these shortcomings.
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