John Sawers, former head of MI6
"The House of Saud is becoming something of a meritocracy," an article in the Financial Times announced last week. But please don't laugh: the article was written by John Sawers, former head of Britain's secret intelligence service, MI6.
King Salman's recent top-level reshuffle has provided "an injection of professionalism and youth", Sawers says. "Only the most effective princes now become ministers or governors of the main provinces."
The former spy chief cites three examples to illustrate this supposedly emerging meritocracy. One is Prince Muqrin, the former crown prince, who was shoved aside because "he lacked the authority for the top job". The others are two promotions: Mohammed bin Nayef, the new crown prince, and Mohammed bin Salman, the new deputy crown prince.
As security and then interior minister, Mohammed bin Nayef "professionalised the internal security service after a series of deadly attacks in the kingdom, and built intelligence partnerships with the US and UK", Sawers notes. That much is beyond dispute, but Mohammed bin Nayef was basically repairing the damage caused by his father's negligence and incompetence during 37 years at the head of the interior ministry.
A less persuasive example of royal "meritocracy" is Mohammed bin Salman who, before his appointment as deputy crown prince, was already defence minister and chair of one of two decision-making bodies set up by the king on assuming the throne. Although Sawers' article is only talking about "meritocracy" within the House of Saud, not Saudi Arabia as a whole, it does seem a remarkable coincidence that when there are hundreds of princes – and even princesses – to choose from, the one apparently best-qualified to supervise the defence ministry (and the bombing of Yemen) happens to be the king's favourite son.
But it's not only the defence ministry. The multi-talented prince is also head of the newly-formed Supreme Economic Council, as well as chairman of the Prince Salman Foundation, head of the executive committee for the Prince Salman Charitable Housing Association, head of the financial committee for the Holy Quran Association in Riyadh, chairman of Riyadh's non-profit schools, honorary chairman of the Saudi Management Association, honorary chairman of the Crafted Hands Association and is a board member of the Charitable Organisations in Riyadh.
Meanwhile, the king's reshuffle has removed the only female government minister: Norah al-Faiz who was previously deputy minister of education.
"Meritocracy" aside, though, Sawers' article is yet another example of the British establishment's blinkered view of Saudi Arabia. And, coming from a former intelligence chief, that's worrying.
Along with senior British politicians and large sections of the Foreign Office, Sawers seems determined to look on the bright side, hoping against hope that a new generation of Saudis will bring reform but unwilling to contemplate the possibility that the kingdom may actually be too far-gone for that:
"Perhaps the hardest questions for the new leadership concern social and political reforms. Easing constraints on women and on social interaction, widening consultation, reducing the baleful influence of the religious police, and ending judicial punishments such as beatings that the west condemns – all are badly needed. But in a conservative society, change will be controversial."
But not to worry:
"Across the region there are signs of change. Opportunities will open up. Saudi Arabia is equipping itself with leaders that have the skills and experience to seize them."
In the meantime, Sawers adds, many Arabs believe the choice they now face "is not between autocracy and democracy, but between order and disorder". This raises the old idea that in periods of turmoil – as in the Middle East today – rulers who maintain control with a firm hand are preferable to western governments, even if they are unaccountable to their people and even if, in the long run, they only compound the region's problems.
Posted by Brian Whitaker
Monday, 4 May 2015